Everyone knows Rome wasn't built in a day," says Alex Salmond. "You're not going to change Scotland fundamentally even in four years, but you can make a start in that process. You can put substantial chalk on the board as quickly as possible to confront the problems of Scottish society."

The First Minister reaches his 100 days in office next Friday with quite a bit of chalk on the board, and a poll showing satisfaction running positively at 3:1. Dozens of elements in a programme for his first 100 days have been announced, as set out in a document published in March. He started his summer holiday yesterday, spending time with his wife and golf clubs in Scotland and Ireland, and claiming not to have been exhausted by a non-stop campaign and governing schedule over the past year.

"I'm having a great time," he chuckles. "I'm sure adrenaline has a part to play, but politics has always given me plenty of adrenaline.

"I love politics, and I love this," he refers to his official residence in Bute House, casually dressed and with his mind moving into holiday mode. "This is great. It's exciting, a whirlwind. There have been some things I wouldn't have anticipated; terrorist attacks in Glasgow, an outbreak of foot-and-mouth. My view is that bad and evil things happen. The task of government is how you deal with them."

His handling of the unexpected has helped with approval ratings, but his opponents suggest all he has achieved in 100 days has been a lot of statements of intent.

His own take on the past three months is about strategy, direction and momentum. "You can set a pace and style and approach in 100 days, but you have to make sure it's more than a surface change. It has to be a fairly fundamental one. People have been very welcoming of a strong sense of strategic direction, but there are reasons why inertia can appear. It hasn't appeared yet, but I'm conscious that it might do."

It is one of several acknowledgments that things may not continue quite so smoothly. To show the lasting strategic intent in early announcements, Salmond cites the emphasis on putting education resources into early years classes, which he says will last the next four years.

"And the Council of Economic Advisers, which meets for the first time on 20 September, is of fundamental importance in changing the economic performance of this country. This is not for the sake of having an economic council: it's a statement of intent about changing the parameters of Scottish economic performance. While I accept many of the things we've done in the first 100 days clearly have been announcements, these have been for a purpose."

The First Minister claims the inexperience of his ministerial team is proving an advantage. They are working together, across portfolios, "coming to things with a fresh view, and a great deal of anticipation and excitement". A larger cabinet would require him to act as "a ringmaster in a battle of warring departments".

Had he headed a coalition government, Salmond could have faced lengthy negotiations with a larger ministerial team. That is the most unexpected part of his time in government: "When we set out on the 100-day programme, my working assumption was that it would be in a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats."

He acknowledges that would have provided security against opposition ambush and votes of no-confidence, and he might not have lost the vote on Edinburgh trams that will cost him more than £500m. But he argues: "Things would have been tougher if it was a coalition. Minority government has been easier than I expected. I was expecting much more time in negotiation with the Liberals. I thought that would be difficult, finding the right balance between concession and disagreement."

Looking ahead to parliament's return and weekly uncertainty over votes, Salmond says: "There may be subjects on which we can't get a majority, but looking at votes on policy so far, there's been about 26, and we've won 25 because people have sided with us.

"It's not the case that the three opposition parties are going to unite on everything. In fact, it looks like, on most subjects they won't agree with each other, and all we require is for any of those parties to support the government and we've got a majority. Most things we want to do have the support of one of the opposition parties."

Labour has not been willing to show much of that support so far. "Presumably they were upset," says Salmond. "They may be less upset with a new leader." Tongue half in cheek, he adds: "I hope the early disappointment and grief about the election result will wear off and they will find it in their hearts, if the government puts forward a good proposal, to support it."

The toughest choices ahead are over the budget, for which the Treasury block grant is not announced for at least two more months. "The general impression and early settlements point to a much, much, much tighter spending round than has previously been the case. Once we have the figures from central government, we'll face that honestly and openly with the parliament and the people."

But he is not conceding ground on some controver-sial policies from the SNP manifesto. A £2000 grant for all first-time home buyers is now one in "a range of proposals" to deal with the housing crisis, including an increase in supply. And he agrees to local authorities' demand that the gap left by a proposed three-year freeze on council tax will be met by the executive "in full".

Having got the rush of announcements out the way, autumn also features legislative plans, strategies ranging across housing, health and enterprise, and an expensive decision on a new Forth crossing. He is preparing the case for the Private Finance Initiative to be replaced by a public service trust, but that would require Scotland to have significant new powers to issue bonds.

Careful to avoid confrontational language when talking about dealings with Whitehall, Salmond claims the early indications are that some progress can be made in pushing for more power and recognition of Scotland's interests in Whitehall and Brussels. But he is also proving a master strategist, and in raising borrowing powers as an issue that puts "chalk on the board", he adds that Whitehall's response will be chalked up as well.

Similarly, he wants to turn his loss of the Edinburgh trams vote to his advantage. Opponents can expect to have it thrown back at them, when he blames the cancellation of their pet projects on their insistence that he meets the tram bill.

And what has he learned about himself in the 100-day whirlwind?