David Cameron is up for a fight. Like Annabel Goldie, the leader of the Scottish Tories, he was too canny to predict how many Tory MSPs would make it to Holyrood after the parliamentary elections in May. But if there is no improvement, it will not be for the want of trying.

Mr Cameron will be in Scotland tomorrow and, significantly, so will his shadow cabinet colleagues, probably a first for a party of any hue. It is obvious the Tory leader has been giving thought to the party's predicament in Scotland but it is not at all clear he has yet found the answers.

They may start finding possible solutions in Edinburgh when, to quote Mr Cameron, the 25-strong group will "get out of the Westminster bubble . . . and into the Edinburgh bubble".

Speaking to The Herald in his bustling Westminster office, he said: "The idea is a good one on two counts - firstly because it demonstrates our support for the Union and secondly because it gives all of the shadow cabinet - whether there are areas reserved or devolved, and in many cases it is a mixture of both - the opportunity to look at how things are done in Scotland."

However, this will be no Westminster takeover of the Scottish party hierarchy.

Mr Cameron warmly defended Ms Goldie from internal critics who claim she is sleepwalking to the elections and failing to put forward a vision for a new Conservative dawn.

Choosing his words carefully, he said: "What Annabel brings is what in a way the centre right in Scotland needs or the Conservative Party in Scotland needs - the feeling that if you elect more Conservatives you will get more common sense.

"About Annabel there is a quality of rolling up the sleeves and getting on with the job and common sense, not flighty rhetoric, but just dealing with the issues as they are. Annabel brings gritty, common sense, a sensible, get-on-with-the-job attitude and I think that should be our approach in the Scottish parliamentary elections - the more Conservatives you get at Holyrood, the more common sense."

Whether that will be the slogan for the Scottish Tories will be up to them. But, however much Mr Cameron insisted all the election decisions would be devolved, such is his desire to make an impact, it is unlikely much will happen, north and south of the border, without it being checked directly or indirectly by London HQ.

In a remarkable admission, Mr Cameron accepted past Tory failure could have contributed to a nationalist resurgence since the five Scottish MPs now represented once-traditional Conservative strongholds.

"Every European country has a sensible, centre-right alternative to the left and I think there have been times where we haven't been there enough for the Scottish people, and we need to make sure we are," he said. "That is why I think a Conservative recovery in Scotland is important for people in Scotland, as it is important for the Union."

He is determined to press ahead with a policy that will allow only English MPs to vote on matters relevant only to England, and is confident that when Kenneth Clarke's commission on constitutional affairs reports, the policy will get a fair wind from the Commons' authorities. Mr Cameron will not, however, countenance an English parliament, whereby the Commons devolves the same powers to it as devolved to Holyrood.

"I don't think there is any great demand in England for another set of politicians, costing even more money to the taxpayer and banging on even more," he said.

E arlier this week, Mr Cameron felt so frustrated by his critics he wrote an article in the Daily Telegraph trumpeting his Tory credentials. Admitting it was a strange thing to do, he explained why he did it and insisted it was not because UKIP, the anti-EU party, had him on the run.

"It is important people know what I stand for and what I believe. I was frustrated that people were misunderstanding what the Conservative Party both was and is and I wanted to set the record straight, and explain particularly this point about social responsibility on which today we had a whole conference. This is the big Conservative idea of the 21st century, the state alone can't solve all our problems.

"We need a revolution in personal responsibilities. Stronger families, revolution in profes-sional responsibilities, trusting doctors and teachers, civic responsibility, more devolution to local government and also corporate responsibility, recognising business has a big role to play. That is included in the article, as are correcting some peoples' misunderstandings. Politics is often about explanation."

He would not be drawn on his plans for education spending. Asked if he would match Gordon Brown's pledge to spend as much money on students in the public sector as was spent in the private sector, he emphatically said no.

"Because he hasn't made his pledge a meaningful one and I shall set out my own plans in my own time," he said. "I want to see a growth in the money that goes towards schools, a growth that goes to funding per pupil.

"But, because you are dealing with in private education a changing number, it doesn't seem to me meaningful at all to make a pledge unless you can put a timetable on it."

Since he thinks it is important to forge relationships with other countries, he will not curtail his air travel, although he does think the carbon effects of these flights should be offset. Neither will he be arguing that the British electorate be grounded.

"I don't believe the way we are going to solve this climate change is politicians pointing the finger and saying you must do this and you mustn't do that. What we need to do is have a price for carbon in the economy and allow people to make choices based on that price and based on the fact we are also going to have annual limits under my scheme for carbon emissions," he said.

On nuclear energy, he thinks the Tory policy will differ little from the outcome of Tony Blair's policy review, although he has said the nuclear option should be the last resort.

He was not worried the Tories might be outflanked by the tax-cutting promises of the LibDems and the SNP in the run-up to the Scottish elections. Insisting the priorities were the business of the Scottish party, he said: "I don't go into politics and think how can I possibly do the opposite of what of my opponents might or might not suggest? I think we should do the right thing."

Mr Cameron might, like his predecessors, find the Scottish question an irritant. If so, he is smart enough to keep that to himself. He has realised if he is to be Britain's next Tory prime minister, his writ must run in Scotland as well as anywhere else.